第637至638页。
18 关于埃莉诺参与和恩格斯协助在1893年建立独立工党的详情,请见Tsuzuki, 1967, 第八章和第十一章。
19 李卜克内希花招的主要目标是倍倍尔。详见德雷珀的“注释”(Draper, 1990,第70至71页)。
20 和马克思一样,恩格斯对武装斗争的必要性也决不含糊。因此,他愤怒回应了社会主义运动史上最为著名的篡改举动、李卜克内西对党的机关报《前进报》上刊登的恩格斯1895年撰写的马克思《法兰西阶级斗争》一书“导言”一文进行的剪贴。他对这一伪造反对得最厉害的,正如他对考茨基和保尔·拉法格所解释的,是“这样一删节我竟是以一个爱好和平的、无论如何要守法的崇拜者出现的……[为了]支持无论如何是和平的和反暴力的策略。”(1895,第461页)即使是他同意刊登在德国社会民主党理论刊物《新时代》上的版本——由于领导人害怕政府报复已做了淡化处理——也有关键的一段被删除了。未经删节的版本上清楚地表明,“巷战”在大多数地方——如果不是所有地方的话,仍然在革命议程之上,但是它“必须要用更大的力量来进行。”(1895a, 第518至519页)
21 有关德国社会民主党在东南欧的作用和影响,霍普特(Haupt, 1986)读来也非常有教益。
22 特别是在1867年,马克思说服总委员会不要支持中产阶级的和平组织——和平与自由联盟,穆勒在其中扮演的重要角色。他们对穆勒的总的方针是当政治上便利时就与他结盟,但限制他在工人运动中特别是国际工人协会中的影响力。
23 仔细阅读1848年事件主要活动者列表就彻底证实了这一观点。如见罗伯特森(Robertson,1971), 第421至447页和Sperber, 1994, 第270至275页。
24 早在1870年马克思和恩格斯已经开始注意到一场将对社会主义革命产生消极和积极影响的欧洲/世界范围内的大事变。
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